Archaeological investigations in and about Red Rock Canyon State Park in Kern County's El Paso Mountains have unveiled a series of
lithic procurement sites, the nature of which is primarily designed to support other off-site prehistoric communities. The rise and fall of
these support sites coincide with the peak production of Coso obsidian. The nearest contemporary community for postulated
interaction would likely represent the Koehn Lake village complex (CA-KER-875). A reexamination of the Sutton model developed for
Koehn Lake, along with other sites in the region, leads to a new interpretation of local complexity, connectivity, and interdependence
potentially aligned with the Coso economic system, whereby major villages potentially served in an interlinked fashion to facilitate
the widespread dispersal of the valuable Coso volcanic glass.
The ambitious goal of this inquiry is to initiate the concept of the
interconnectedness of site function within a portion of the western
Mojave Desert when viewing a series of regional prehistoric sites
that are contemporaneous to the peak period of Coso obsidian quarrying
and distribution. The ensuing discussion of the Coso Obsidian
Economic Exchange System rests mostly upon a reexamination of the
works conducted by others, whereby I hope to stimulate new perspectives
of thought and approach.
For purposes of definition, references to the Coso Obsidian
Economic Exchange System are equivalent to the "Coso Hot Springs
Exchange System" of Ericson (1981:119-122) and Hughes and True
(1985:326, 334), as well as the "Sugarloaf production and exchange
system" of Allen (1986:10). In addition, Allen (1986:1) referred to the
Coso trade as an "egalitarian economic system." Discussing more
general California obsidian trade, Bouey and Basgall (1984:135)
referred to "areas of economic articulation." Such areas provide cultural
connections and ties that are worthy of investigation.
The examination of the possible cooperation of communities
holds certain potentials for elucidating the interlinked, complex
relationships and possible interdependent functions of a suite of
archaeological complexes, which in this instance stretched from the
southeastern Sierra through the Antelope Valley in California's western
Mojave Desert. Such research also holds promise for identifying era-
specific archaeological complexes within a regional framework or
The ensuing discussion focuses primarily upon the Late Gypsum/
Newberry through the Rose Spring/Haiwee periods of peak Coso
obsidian production and distribution, which potentially interconnect
the Rose, China Lake, Fremont, and Antelope valleys of the western
Mojave. Per the work of Gilreath and Hildebrandt (1997) and many
others, this period of pronounced economic and cultural florescence
has been shown to have met its demise with the close of the Rose
Spring/Haiwee period, perhaps associated in some fashion with the
series of progressive droughts now referred to as the Medieval Climatic
Anomaly (see Stine 1994 and others).
THE EL PASO MOUNTAIN QUARRIES AND THE KOEHN LAKE SITE
For 20 years, my place of employment within this region was Red
Rock Canyon State Park, a landscape that beckons travelers to pause
from their journeys amidst spires and cathedrals of stone. These
canyonlands never fail to astonish — yielding unending discoveries in
the realms of the biotic, the paleontological, and the archaeological.
Pursuant to a large expansion of the park in 1994, State Park staff
began documenting extensive prehistoric chert and chalcedony quarries
(Faull 2000; Faull and Sampson 2004; Sampson 2003).
These extensive quarries and secondary reduction sites display
temporal affinity with the rise and fall of the Coso obsidian quarries
and economic system (Faull and Sampson 2004). These sites were
purely supportive of other off-site communities or activities, and were
not self-sufficient. Thus it became apparent that the quarries were
connected within a larger regional cultural system. But who quarried
the stone, and where was its destination? The closest contemporaneous
community would be the primarily Rose Spring-era village complex at
nearby Koehn Dry Lake to the south.
The Koehn Lake village (KER-875) was excavated by Dr. Mark
Sutton and has become one of the premier cornerstones of Dr. Sutton's
proposed western Mojave Desert model (Sutton 1986, 1988a, 1990, 1991,
1996; Sutton and Everson 1992; Sutton and Hansen 1986). Thanks are
due to Dr. Sutton for his effort to refine Mojave Desert archaeology by
proposing testable models of the prehistoric past.
Sutton noted that the primarily Rose Spring-era Koehn Lake
village site rests principally above a shoreline associated with ancient
Koehn Dry Lake (Sutton 1986:8, 1988a, 1990, 1991, 1996; Sutton and
Hansen 1986:3-7). The village abuts aeolian dunes once crested by a
sizeable mesquite community (Sutton 1986:2, 7, 1990:3), now
decimated by agricultural drawdown of the local water table (Pampeyan
et al. 1988). During excavations, Sutton encountered a collapsed
circular, semi-subterranean juniper structure, as well as frequent
juniper remains (Sutton 1990:3, 1991:179; Sutton and Hansen 1986:2).
In addition, Sutton later excavated a prehistoric juniper structure found
at the Honda Test Track site (KER-2211) located 3 km west of the Koehn
Lake village (Sutton 1990:5, 1991:139,180). As Sutton (1991:179) noted,
the closest modern juniper communities lie 15 to 30 km distant in the
southern Sierra Nevada.
The discovery of the ancient Koehn Lake shoreline combined with
the juniper frequency on-site underscores Sutton's postulated Western
Mojave model, whereby he proposes a mesic regime sufficient to support
a lake stand and to lower the juniper community to the shoreline of
ancient Koehn Lake (Sutton 1991:179, 1996:238, 243; Sutton and
Everson 1992:62; Sutton and Hansen 1986). Such a model bears certain
attractive features, which help to explain the local cultural florescence
of the late Gypsum through middle Rose Spring periods. In addition,
Sutton proposes that the desiccation of the lake stand at 1000 B.P. led to
the eventual abandonment of the Koehn Lake site (Sutton 1991:178181,
1996:232; Sutton and Everson 1992:62-63).
PROXY DATA AND KOEHN DRY LAKE
To date, no paleoenvironmental studies have been conducted upon
Koehn Lake proper to confirm or deny the model. Therefore, proxy data
must suffice for analysis. To the north, Searles Lake near Trona does
bear evidence of a shallow, highly saline, fluctuating Holocene lake
stand (Smith 1979:95, 96, 109). Two-thirds of the way up through a
Holocene mud overburden, a radiocarbon date of 3520 B.P. has been
documented (Stuiver and Smith 1979:69, 73). This lake stand appears
associated with the known pluvials of roughly 4000 and 2000 B.P. (see
Smith 1979:109, Figure 41). The upper deposits at present cannot yet be
correlated to match the postulated Rose Spring era Koehn lake stand.
Farther to the north, Stine (1995:9) has concluded "that Owens
Lake was exceptionally low, and perhaps non-existent during extended
portions of the Haiwee [Rose Spring] time." Stine (1995:4, 9) cites the
work of McGuire (1994) who documented archaeological remains at
INY-3541, which range in age from roughly A.D. 135 to 933 and reside
on a moderately low beach line of Owens Lake. This beach line lies at
1,093.2 m, roughly 3.4 m below the historical high stand of Owens Lake
(Stine 1995:9). The data from McGuire (1994), as well as from Stine
(1995), do appear convincing that a lower-than-normal, rather than
higher-than-normal, stand for Owens Lake existed during much of the
late Gypsum and Rose Spring periods, contrasting with the postulated
model for Koehn Dry Lake.
At present, the closest correlative pattern to that proposed for
Koehn Lake appears to be distantly removed at Lower Pahranagat Lake
northeast of Las Vegas, Nevada. At this location a pattern of summer-
shifted rainfall apparently produced and maintained a shallow lake
during the Rose Spring era, where previous to and following this period
marsh habitat had predominated (Wigand and Rhode 2002:341).
More direct proxy data appear available to analyze the postulated
down-slope shift of the juniper community into the vicinity of Koehn
Lake. In nearby Red Rock Canyon four archaeological sites have now
been excavated which bear in part strata of either Gypsum or more
commonly Rose Spring era assemblages: KER-147 (Robinson 1981),
KER-246 (Harvey and Gardner 2003), KER-250 (McGuire et al. 1982),
and KER-5043 (Gardner 1998). Despite their presence up-slope and up-
canyon from Koehn Lake, no juniper remains have been discovered at
these sites. Gardner (1998:123, 139) specifically notes such an absence
in her thesis, which investigated portions of the Sutton model.
Elsewhere, Peter Wigand (2003), working at the Airport Playa site
to the north in the Coso Mountains, reports pursuant to both packrat
midden and pollen studies a continuity of plant communities over the
past 2,600 years. While ratios of plant species vary within the
composition, the community members themselves remain constant
(Wigand 2003). Rhode and Lancaster (1996:17-24), working south of
Koehn Lake at Edwards Air Force Base, report an identical situation
involving fluctuating species ratios but consistency of plant
communities status over the last 5,600 years. To the east of Koehn Lake,
research at Fort Irwin confirms an identical scenario of general plant
community consistency during the later Holocene over the last 3,500
years (Basgall and Hall 1992:5; Koehler and Anderson 1993).
In the absence of proxy data supporting a dramatic down-slope
shift in the juniper community, perhaps other scenarios might account
for the presence of juniper at Koehn Lake; the most logical counter-
conclusion being that invested energy transported juniper to the site.
Why would a community invest such an effort to establish outposts at
both Koehn Lake and at KER-2211, 3 km to the west? What other
qualities about these sites would motivate such an effort? Expending
such extreme energy speaks to some form of strategic importance for the
location of these communities.
THE POTENTIAL COSO OBSIDIAN TRADE CORRIDOR(S)
Following Gilreath and Hildebrandt's (1997) seminal work on the
Coso Volcanic Field — and the earlier documentation of Coso obsidian
distribution by other regional researchers (Ericson 1981; Ericson and
Glascock 2004:780-781, 783, Figure 1; Ericson and Singer 1971; Ericson
et al. 1989; Hughes and True 1985; Koerper et al. 1986; Meighan 1978),
insufficient attention has been expended examining the logical inter-
connective footprint of the Coso Economic Exchange System, which
delivered high-quality obsidian to much of the southern California
Numerous researchers have hinted at or suggested that a
connective trade corridor, possibly involving Coso obsidian, functioned
within the western Mojave through the Antelope Valley (Ericson and
Meighan 1984:147; Koerper et al. 1986:57; Robinson 1977; Sutton
1980:221, 1981:124, 1988a:76-78, 1988b:25, 1989:109; Warren 1988:4647).
Along these lines, Sutton (1989:101, 107-109) has discussed the
Mojave Desert patterning of Coso obsidian in a post-A.D. 1000, Late
Period or Protohistoric temporal context. The focus of this inquiry
mostly predates that context.
Other possible Coso trade corridors might involve the southern
San Joaquin Valley, although few targeted studies have yet occurred.
This potential inter-connective economic corridor warrants further
investigation in tandem with the Mojave Desert economic system.
Perhaps in a larger context the presence of the Koehn Lake village
could be viewed as integral or sustaining to the economic system of Coso
obsidian exchange through the western Mojave Desert. As such, let us
briefly examine the regional pattern of village establishment within a
potential Coso context.
THE ESTABLISHMENT OF DESERT VILLAGES
The earliest dated village within the Antelope Valley is that of
Lovejoy Springs (LAN-192). At this site, a group inhumation dated at
2720 B.P. included a Coso obsidian Elko point and one youth draped in
over 3,000 beads (Love 1992, 1996:106; Sutton 1988a:52; Toney 1968:810).
Thus, the inception of village establishment within the Antelope
Valley already displays connection between the coast, trade in beads, and
Coso obsidian from the north.
Looking elsewhere in the Antelope Valley, a second significant
village complex west of Rosamond (KER-303) has yielded an excavated
residential structure (probably made of juniper) dated to 2370 B.P. and
2140 B.P., subtended by nearly 1 m of midden (Sutton 1988a:39-40, 62;
Sutton and Robinson 1982). Elsewhere at the site, a radiocarbon date of
2200 B.P. was obtained from a charcoal sample at a depth of 2.5 m
(Sutton 1988a:39). Coso obsidian is known from the site, and burials at
the site, which currently lack sufficient temporal constraints, do display
copious unanalyzed shell beads (Sutton 1988a:42, 43, 56).
Changing focus to the extreme northern vicinities of the potential
Coso System, the village establishment at Rose Spring (INY-372)
appears to be roughly marked by a youth inhumation from Locus 1,
which can be roughly dated at between 2400 to 2500 B.P. (Lanning
1963:243, 268, 281; Yohe 1992:146). This youth inhumation possesses
1,000 Haliotis ring beads along with an obsidian Elko corner-notched
point (Lanning 1963:243, 260-261, 263, 320). At Locus 3 the base of the
rich occupational midden has been radiocarbon dated at 2240 B.P.
(Yohe 1992:94). At Locus 1 a similar date of 2200 B.P. was recovered
from the 152-163 cm level of Trench 1 (Yohe 1992:140, Table 5), near
the base of the rich midden defining Lanning's (1963:242) original
Again, possible village establishment appears to coincide with
connectivity to the coast in terms of exchange or trade in shell beads and
ornaments. Are the occurrences noted coincidental, or could village
establishment contain an element of connectivity to trade? Future
targeted investigations appear warranted.
Could village placement be strategic to controlling the trade in
Coso obsidian? Sutton has previously illustrated how trade might have
linked certain early villages in the Antelope and Fremont valleys as
potential "gateway communities" developed in response to trade, as per
the Hirth (1978) model, while sometimes identifying obsidian as the
trade product (Sutton 1981:124, 1988a:77-78, 1988b:24, 25). Many of
these villages, located near reliable water, could easily serve as strategic
trade partners for Coso obsidian exchange. These Antelope Valley villages
remain well positioned to serve another potential intermediate link in
Coso distribution near Castaic Lake, LAN-324, where obsidian lithic
artifacts and bifaces were present (Ericson 1981:Appendix 2, personal
communication 2004; Ericson and Glascock 2004:781; Ericson and
Farther south, trade through the Cajon Pass remains less clearly
defined. The strategic presence of the culturally distinct village of Oro
Grande (SBR-72) above Cajon Pass (see Warren and Crabtree 1986:191),
with its near-absence of obsidian and Rose Spring points in the latter
Rose Spring era (Rector et al. 1983:35, 37, 47), would appear to
discourage hypotheses involving Coso trade. However, the presence of
shell beads at Oro Grande (Rector et al. 1983:68-87) bespeaks a coastal
connection and the presence of modest quantities of Coso obsidian in
Crowder Canyon, SBR-113, SBR-421, and SBR-713, near Cajon Pass
(Basgall and True 1985:5.16-5.18, 7.10; Bouey 1985:J2; de Barros
1997:5-93; White 1973:Table 4) may complicate this scenario, unless
Coso obsidian moved inland from the coast similar to the scenario
suggested for San Diego County (Hughes and True 1985:333). In
addition, minor amounts of Coso obsidian have also been documented
for the early to mid Gypsum period Siphon Site (SBR-6580) in the
Summit Valley 14 km east of Crowder Canyon (Sutton et al. 1993:53).
To the north, with additional Eastern Sierra sources of obsidian as
potential competitors, one could view the early establishment of the
Rose Spring village as strategically positioned or situated to assist with
the control of access and trade through the southern Owens and Rose
valleys. The later establishment of two large Rose Spring/Haiwee era
villages north of the Rose Spring proper, at INY-3806/H on the western
shore of Owens Lake at the confluence of Cottonwood Creek and at INY3812
in the north end of the Rose Valley (Delacorte 1994:5-6; Delacorte
and McGuire 1993:178, 252), combined with the establishment of the
Coso Junction Ranch village (INY-2284) southwest of the Rose Spring
site (Allen 1986; Gumerman 1985; Whitley et al. 1988), could potentially
further strengthen control over access through time. In addition, a
third sizable Rose Spring period occupation at INY-1428, also located
west of Owens Lake, adds even greater presence during this critical
temporal period (Gilreath and Holanda 2000:121).
Returning to the Koehn Lake village, with a calibrated radiocarbon
date suggesting establishment around 1700 B.P. (Sutton 1996:235,
238), perhaps part of this site's invested energy involved the strategic
value of further controlling trade and access from realms to the south.
INCREASING CULTURAL SPECIALIZATION
The discussed florescence of Coso quarrying during the late
Gypsum and Rose Spring periods can also be viewed as a period of
increasing cultural specialization (cf. Ericson 1984). Shifting from a
perspective of potential specialized village establishment, examination
of specialized quarry sites can follow. Gilreath and Hildebrandt
(1997:178-179) have documented the increasing specialization of quarry
selection within the Coso Volcanic Field during the Gypsum/Newberry
and Rose Spring/Haiwee periods (see also Whitley et al. 1988:5), as well
as the use of secondary bifacial reduction sites (see also Allen 1986:35).
The cryptocrystalline quarries of Red Rock Canyon State Park display a
similar evolved focus and association with secondary reduction loci
(Faull and Sampson 2004). Add to this the Antelope Valley rhyolite
quarries (Glennan 1970, 1971; Sutton 1982) and a greater regional
picture of the quarry complex emerges.
Within the localized El Paso Mountain to Fremont Valley region 94
percent of the recovered Rose Spring projectile points are fashioned from
Coso obsidian. This ratio of preferred material use tends to contrast
sharply with other eras within the local assemblage. However, despite
this observed preference for obsidian point production during the Rose
Spring period, the Red Rock cryptocrystalline quarries expand in
tandem with the Coso model, indicating a reduced but specialized
spectrum of use for cryptocrystalline materials within the tool kit of the
El Paso to Fremont Valley segment of the Coso Economic System. In-
depth analyses of local sites, such as the Koehn Lake village to the south
and the Freeman Spring site (KER-6106) to the north, may offer greater
insights into this more restricted, specialized use of cryptocrystalline
rock within the Rose Spring tool kit.
The introduction of the bow and arrow during the period of Coso
obsidian florescence has generated much debate as to the impact of such
technology on both large mammal populations and lithic technology
trajectories (Allen 1986; Ericson 1982; Grant et al. 1968:58; Yohe 1992,
1998; Yohe and Sutton 2000). Focusing first upon lithic technology
trajectories, secondary bifacial reduction of tradable obsidian and other
overlapping products of the Coso trade system could account in part for
the difficulty researchers have experienced in discerning the
introduction of the bow and arrow within lithic artifact assemblages.
In addition, some Antelope Valley researchers assert that local
lithic trajectories suggest that Rose Spring points may have been traded
into the valley as completed products (Earle 2004:12; see also the lack of
debitage in Sutton 1988a:76). On the margins of the Fremont Valley at
KER-1998, Sutton and Everson (1992:57) note that obsidian appeared
mostly as small-sized pressure flakes, suggesting that obsidian "was
being brought to the site as artifacts in generally completed form."
Examining sites, such as Coso Junction Ranch and others, for the
possible specialized production of tradable points might be another line
of valuable inquiry (see the Phase B change in the ratio of biface
thinning versus secondary reduction reported by Allen 1986:32-33, 37,
40; see also Gilreath and Hildebrandt 1997:168).
Intensified Food Specialization
Whether or not the introduction of the bow and arrow decimated
large mammal populations within this region, the archaeological
record for this segment of the western Mojave is unequivocal about the
intensification of focused food resources. The Rose Spring/Haiwee era
witnessed both an expansion of pinyon processing (Bettinger 1975,
1976, 1980, 1989; Garfinkel and Cook 1979, 1980) and an accelerated
fetish with the consumption of lagomorphs and a series of small
animals (Delacorte 1994:8-10; Yohe and Sutton 2000:5), particularly
Lepus procurement sees the establishment of massive specialized
collection and processing sites, such as those at Freeman Spring near
Walker Pass (Williams 2004), and at the Bickel site in the El Paso
Mountains, KER-250 (McGuire et al. 1982). Intensive Lepus processing
is known from the village sites of Rose Spring, Koehn Lake, and KER2211
(Sutton 1990:5, 1991:180; Yohe 1994; Yohe and Goodman 1991;
Yohe and Sutton 2000:3). Gumerman (1985:28) documented that rabbit
processing intensified during the progression of the Rose Spring period
at the Coso Junction Ranch site (see also Whitley et al. 1988:6, 8). Kranz
(1963:288) stated for the Rose Spring site that it was "tempting to
conclude that rabbit brains were eaten, including the relatively soft
cranial bones." Ethnographically, rabbit brains have been reported as a
delicacy (Christenson 1990:368). However, it should be noted that at the
Bickel site in the El Paso Mountains, Lepus heads and certain parts of
the extremities were removed from lagomorphs before apparent
transportation off-site to the place or point of actual consumption or
use (Basgall 1982:137-138).
A suite of other small mammals and other animals were also
widely to locally exploited by Rose Spring era populations (cf. Delacorte
1994 and others). Broadening the perspective, the Anasazi of the
Southwest reportedly display a similar intensified utilization of small
game, particularly lagomorphs and mice, before their profound decline,
around the peak of the Medieval Climatic Anomaly (Diamond
2005:150). Perhaps a scenario somewhat similar to the Anasazi
occurred in portions of the western Mojave — where initial success and
population expansion possibly became increasingly difficult to support
or sustain, in light of potential over-predation or increasing resource
failure associated with progressing drought and aridity (cf. Ericson and
Meighan 1984:150; Whitley et al. 1988:8; Yohe and Sutton 2000:1, 4).
A REGIONALIZED PERSPECTIVE
In conclusion, from north to south, village establishment within
the discussed corridor of the western Mojave Desert appears to initiate
with relative concurrence during the Gypsum period, with each site
displaying connectivity to both coastal and Coso resources. Over time, a
series of late Gypsum through Rose Spring period, potentially
interdependent sites appear to arise, possibly aligned to support the
fruition of the Coso Obsidian Economic Exchange System.
By approximately 1100 B.P., the Antelope Valley is well positioned
to participate in the emergence of the new trade system with the
Southwest, which transitions into the Late Prehistoric or Marana
period (Davis 1961:4, Map 1; Heizer 1946:191; Sample 1950:4-5; Warren
and Crabtree 1986:193). The Antelope Valley displays village continuity
across the Medieval Climatic Anomaly and the terminal Rose Spring
(Campbell 2004:8, personal communication 2005; David D. Earle,
personal communication 2004; see also the data of Robinson 1977;
Sutton 1988a), which marks the demise of the long-standing Coso
Economic System farther to the north.
By contrast, the Fremont, China Lake, and Rose valleys to the
north experience the dramatic cessation of major quarrying at Coso and
the resultant disseminating trade system (Ericson and Meighan
1984:149; Gilreath and Hildebrandt 1997:iii, 179, 183; Hughes and
True 1985:333, 334; Meighan 1978:160; Koerper et al. 1986:53). In
tandem, the major quarrying and secondary reduction loci located
within Red Rock Canyon State Park in the El Paso Mountains cease
function (Faull and Sampson 2004). Village abandonment occurs at a
suite of sites, which includes the Koehn Lake village (Sutton 1990, 1991,
1996), the Coso Junction Ranch village (Allen 1986:2-3; Gumerman
1985; Sutton 1996:239; Whitley et al. 1988:5, 8; see also Yohe and
Sutton 2000:3), the INY-1428 occupation site (Gilreath and Holanda
2000), the INY-3806/H village, and the INY-3812 village (Delacorte
1994; Delacorte and McGuire 1993). A significant decrease in activity is
simultaneously recorded for the Rose Spring site (Lanning 1963;
Whitley et al. 1988:5; Yohe 1992). Finally, the large, highly specialized
rabbit procurement sites at Freeman Spring (Williams 2004) and at the
Bickel site (McGuire et al. 1982) similarly demise.
In short, the system of villages and associated specialized sites,
which apparently rise in concordance with the observed expansion of
the Coso quarrying complex, appear to display a concurrence in their
temporal cessation. In the absence of cooperative trade and possibly in
light of prolonged, intensifying drought combined with local over-
predation, the discussed desert-based villages of the northwest Mojave
Desert appear to dissolve, never to be reassembled in the Fremont
through Rose Valleys in any similar fashion.
It is not asserted with certainty that the Coso Obsidian Economic
Exchange System involved precisely all the elements contended herein.
Rather, this working hypothesis and its associated observations are
intended to elevate a new dialogue to incite inquisition into the possible
interrelationship and function of sites stretching along a known western
Mojave Desert trade corridor.
If significant interconnectedness existed in the form of a
regionalized trade economy, "optimal foraging theories" and "resource
intensification models" will not adequately define past realities unless
they account for such specialized energies. Likewise, models that
attempt to define change in lithic technologies or trajectories will likely
suffer similar frustrations unless the overlapping complexities of
regional trade production are factored into analysis. I hope that this
dialogue will prove productive towards a new linkage of regional
prehistoric archaeology in the western Mojave Desert of California.
The author expresses his appreciation, gratitude, and respect to all the prior
researchers from whom this work arises, acknowledging the heavy borrowing
that encompasses such an attempted synthesis. A special appreciation is
directed to Dr. Mark Sutton for his contributions and continued willingness
to share information and ideas.
In addition, I express profound gratitude to those countless researchers who
have kindly shared their wisdom, provided references, and tolerated a
plethora of questions. Such individuals include, but are not limited to, Dr.
PAPERS ON DESERT WEST PREHISTORY
David Earle, Dr. Robert Yohe, II, Alan Garfinkel, Dr. Mark Allen, Michael
Sampson, Dr. Jonathon Ericson, Mark Campbell, Barbara Tejada, Chris
White, Victoria Harvey, and Jill Gardner.
Allen, Mark W. (1986):
The Effects of Bow and Arrow Technology on Lithic Production
and Exchange Systems: A Test Case Using Debitage Analysis.
Unpublished Master's thesis, Department of Anthropology,
University of California, Los Angeles.
Basgall, Mark E. (1982):
Faunal Analysis of an Open-Air Site in the El Paso Mountains.
In Archaeological Investigations in the El Paso Mountains of the
Western Mojave Desert: The Bickel and Last Chance Sites (CA-Ker250
and -261), by Kelly R. McGuire, Alan P. Garfinkel, and Mark
E. Basgall, pp. 123-140. Report on file, USDI Bureau of Land
Management, Ridgecrest, California.
Basgall, Mark E., and M. C. Hall (1992):
Fort Irwin Archaeology: Emerging Perspectives on Mojave Desert
Prehistory. Society for California Archaeology Newsletter 26(5):1,
Basgall, Mark E., and D. L. True (1985):
Archaeological Investigations in Crowder Canyon, 1973-1984:
Excavations at Sites SBr-421B, SBr-421C, SBr-421D, and SBr
713. Report on file, California Department of Transportation
District 8, San Bernardino.
Bettinger, Robert L. (1975):
The Surface Archaeology of Owens Valley, Eastern California:
Prehistoric Man-Land Relationships in the Great Basin.
Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Anthropology,
University of California, Riverside.
— (1976): The Development of Pinyon Exploitation in Central Eastern
California. Journal of California Anthropology 3:81-95.
Obsidian Hydration Dates for Owens Valley Settlement Categories.
Journal of California and Great Basin Anthropology 2:286-292.
The Archaeology of Pinyon House, Two Eagles, and Crater
Middens: Three Residential Sites in Owens Valley, Eastern
California. Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of
Natural History No. 67. New York.
Bouey, Paul D. (1985):
Appendix J: Obsidian Source Determination of Archaeological
Specimens from Crowder Canyon. In Archaeological Investigations
in Crowder Canyon, 1973-1984: Excavations at Sites SBr-421B,
SBr-421C, SBr-421D, and SBr-713, edited by Mark E. Basgall and
D.L. True, vol. 2, pp. J-1-J-7. Report on file, California
Department of Transportation District 8, San Bernardino.
Bouey, Paul D., and Mark E. Basgall (1984):
Trans-Sierran Exchange in Prehistoric California: The Concept
of Economic Articulation. In Obsidian Studies in the Great Basin,
edited by R. E. Hughes, pp. 135-172. Contributions of the
University of California Archaeological Research Facility No. 45.
Campbell, Mark M. (2004):
Some Thoughts on Western Mojave Desert Prehistory. Paper
presented at the 38th Annual Meeting of the Society for California
Christenson, Lynne E. (1990):
Western Mojave Subsistence: Faunal Analysis at the Farm Drop
Zone Site, LAn-1296 & 1158. Proceedings of the Society for
California Archaeology 3:365-379.
Davis, James T. (1961):
Trade Routes and Economic Exchange among the Indians of
California. University of California Archaeological Survey Reports
No. 50. Berkeley.
de Barros, Philip (1997):
Results from Archaeological Test Excavations and a Request for
Determination of Eligibility for Nine Sites in Crowder Canyon:
Route 138 Improvement Project 08-SBd-138, PM 16.2/19.7,
Volume I: Research and Results. Report on file, California
Department of Transportation District 8, San Bernardino.
Delacorte, Michael G. (1994):
Late Prehistoric Resource Intensification in the Numic Heartland.
Paper presented at the 24th Great Basin Anthropological
Conference, Elko, Nevada.
Delacorte, Michael G., and Kelly R. McGuire (1993):
Report of Archaeological Test Evaluations at Twenty-Three Sites
in the Owens Valley, California. Report on file, USDI Bureau of
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